Wednesday, September 4, 2013

From The Independent -- The Latest on Hemingway's Favorite Spectator Sport

Will bullfighting survive in modern Spain?

Bullfighting and Spain have been synonymous for centuries. But with attendances severely down and one region voting for a ban, this is a sport in crisis. Evgeny Lebedev reports



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Photographs by Nicolás Haro 
Within the stadium the crowd has gone quiet, the bull hunched in the middle of the sand-covered arena with blood trickling down its back and head dropped in exhaustion. For the past 15 minutes it has been chased and goaded and stabbed. With the shadows lengthening as the afternoon fades, this animal is now ready only for death.

The matador strides to stand in front of it, his hand raised high in triumph. A whistle comes from the stalls in response, a sound quickly picked up and replicated by other spectators. The stadium is a cacophony of noise – and none of it is cheers.
"They are angry," says Carlos Flores, sitting beside me. "They think the matador has played the bull badly, weakening it too quickly so as to deprive the contest of drama."
He is the son of one of Spain's pre-eminent bull breeders, and had invited me to watch the fight. When he first saw the bull, he warned it would most likely not be a fine one – too weak in its back legs. But it is the matador that he, too, blames for what we have witnessed.
At no point had he fully bent the bull to his will. It had not charged with fury. Its horns had not cleanly followed the twitching cloak. Too prematurely, it had been deeply bloodied, sapping it of strength. "Not good," Carlos says. "Not good at all."
Hearing the crowd's displeasure, the matador tries to end the contest with a flourish. He kneels down. He throws his arms up in the air. He leans his body a few inches above the outspread horns. All for nothing. There is barely a flicker from the bull in response.
Finally he sweeps his cloak so that it almost catches the animal's eye. That does prompt a reaction. The bull stumbles forward. The matador passes the point of his sword through the back of its neck and into its lungs. Twice the bull circles, drowning, before finally it falls. In response the crowd sighs its indifference.
Carlos is as uninterested as the rest when four horses, their driver cracking the ground beside them with a whip to drive the team forward, drag its corpse from the arena. He is already craning f his neck towards the entrance archway to catch a first glimpse of what will come next.
"Maybe this bull will fight," Carlos says. "The day will get better, I hope."
It is a sentiment that could be directed at not only this fiesta but at the state of bullfighting in Spain as a whole – indeed at the very state of Spain itself. For bullfighting, like Spain, is in trouble. Serious trouble.
While the past few years have seen Spain's economy tank, unemployment soar to 26 per cent and youth unemployment to 50 per cent, the sport that more than any other symbolises the country has fallen into its own crisis.
Attendances have fallen by 40 per cent in just five years. In 2008, some 3,295 corridas were held across the country. Last year, it was 1,997. This year, according to some reports, it will be fewer than 500.
Cash-strapped towns can no longer stage festivals involving bullfights or running of the bulls. Nor is paying €50 for a seat enticing, especially with the wealth of alternative entertainment – not least football – freely available on television.
Evgeny Lebedev at the bullring in SevilleEvgeny Lebedev at the bullring in Seville 
In response, Spanish matadors have gone to Latin America, particularly to Peru, seeking corridas. Bulls being bred for the ring – where they could have raised up to €20,000 each – are being sent to abattoirs for just €750 a head. Even some of the country's most famous arenas, among them the Plaza de Toros de Las Ventas in Madrid, have been accused of not paying bullfighters what they are owed.
To try to find out what has gone wrong, and what it means for the future of the sport and Spain's relationship to it, I travelled to the estate of El Palomar. Set within the sweeping vista of Albacete, the nearby hills gently rising towards the Alcaraz mountains on the horizon, this has been home to Carlos Flores's family for 200 years. They have made the estate one of Spain's most revered bull-breeding centres. Its 18th-century manor house even has its own private bullring.
The present owner is Samuel Flores, Carlos's father. He took over the estate, aged 19, on the death of his uncle. Now in his seventies, he is adamant that bullfighting has weathered crises before – not least when Republicans sought to ban it during the civil war for its seeming pro-Franco links – and will do so again.
He is dressed in the modern uniform of the Mediterranean gentry: a green flannel jacket with elbow patches, checked shirt and chinos. On the veranda of his home, uniformed waiters serve the family lunch. In the pasture beneath, bulls laze in the heat. The effect is one of timelessness; of a world unchanged despite present troubles.
"Bullfighting will have its better moments or its worse moments but it will keep on going," Flores predicts. "It's not only the big ferias in the big cities. It's also the bulls that they run in the streets, in the little villages. Bullfighting is never going to stop.
"What the sport needs is for the economy to improve. Once people have money again, the towns and villages will start hosting bullfights and its popularity will again flourish as it did through much of the past 30 years."
He points to the number of young people wanting to visit bull-breeding estates like his own, and to the number of wannabe matadors enrolling in bullfighting schools. To Flores, it is a clear sign of the passion for the sport among the young and proof that a fresh generation is coming through to take it forward.
This should not surprise anyone, he says, as the sport is "part of the culture of Spain". So could there be a Spain that exists without bullfighting? Flores gives a dismissive shake of his head. "The government wouldn't allow it."
In command: Padilla faces the bullIn command: Padilla faces the bull
Spain's present government certainly wouldn't. The prime minister, Mariano Rajoy, and his centre-right government plan to declare bullfighting part of Spain's "national patrimony" and Rajoy has promised to channel more money into the sport's promotion.
Such support, however, cannot be guaranteed for ever. Many of the present government's most vocal opponents are anti the sport, particularly in the increasingly independent-minded region of Catalonia. There, the government voted last July to ban bullfighting as outdated and cruel.
It was a vote which not only exposed the country's disagreements over bullfighting, but also its disagreements over the form of Spain itself. Many interpreted the result as being as much due to Catalonia wanting to emphasise its difference from the rest of the country, especially bullfight-mad Madrid, than anything to do with the debate over animal cruelty.
Anna Mula is the key figure in the antis' campaigning group Prou! [Enough!]. Dark and doughty, she is in her own way a revolutionary: one who helped organise 180,000 signatures to be gathered to force a parliamentary vote, and then used her background as a trained lawyer to assist in drafting the subsequent legislation.
When we meet, she is adamant that the Catalonia vote was nothing to do with politics and all about the idea that bullfighting should have no place in a civilised country. "To condone these public spectacles is to transmit the message that gratuitous violence can sometimes be tolerated, even applauded and admired," she tells me. "This brutalises the society that tolerates this violence."
It is a belief that she has held since her grandparents took her to her first bullfight when she was six years old. "I was crying and crying," she recalls. "I didn't understand why people didn't save the bull."
Having grown up in Russia, and having been plagued throughout my life by misinformed opinions expressed about my country and culture by those in the West, I am passionate that places and people should not be made to be like – or even judged by how much they are like – our own here in the UK, particularly when animals are involved. I have eaten and hunted too many and have seen the reality of our own food industry too clearly to resort to that sentimentality.
Yet, when I explain to Mula that I worry criticism of sports such as bullfighting by those in the West could too often be an attempt by one people to impose their standards on another, she is adamant bullfighting no longer reflects any mass culture in 21st-century Spain.
As evidence, she points to a recent Mori poll which showed only 26 per cent of the Spanish population now supports the sport and 76 per cent oppose the use of public funds to help it. "Supporters say bullfighting's traditional but a lot of traditions have been banned in the past," she says. "We have to keep only the traditions that society accepts."
Seville, with its bullring dating back to 1761, has long been considered bullfighting's spiritual home, and the city's annual, week-long Feria de Abril one of its blue riband events. During the festival, the city's plaza de toros is packed each day, while outside locals in traditional Spanish costumes parade in horse-drawn carriages. Here, if anywhere, I knew I would be able to see if the sport could still generate passion.
This year, the tournament's biggest draw was the matador Juan José Padilla. He is a legend in the bullfighting world after he was horrifically gored in 2011 – the bull's horn passing through his jaw and out his left eye – yet returned triumphantly to the ring just five months later, despite now having to wear an eye patch.
Juan José Padilla is a legend in the bullfighting worldJuan José Padilla is a legend in the bullfighting world
Padilla is Carlos Flores's friend so I met him shortly before he fought, and then travelled with him and his entourage to the arena. When we arrived, the matador's hotel suite was unbelievably hot; it is kept highf to keep his muscles loose and ready for the heat of the sun. The temperature had no visible effect on Padilla. While the rest of us were quickly reduced to wiping our brows, on Padilla I spotted not a drop of sweat.
His dresser was fitting him into the traditional satin suit of the torero, its pink cloth emblazoned with sequins and gold thread. He was already in his embroidered white shirt and short, black necktie. Now he was being squeezed into his trousers, the material skin-tight so no sag of material risked catching a passing horn. To do this, Padilla had to be physically lifted off the ground – sweat patches spread across his dresser's shirt as he made his efforts.
I quickly realised that for bullfighting aficionados, Padilla is like a rock star. A crowd waited for him in the hotel lobby and his retinue had to form a phalanx around him for protection as he was mobbed by fans. A small van then carried us the quarter mile to the ring. Crowds lined the streets, growing in size and sound as we drew closer.
All the way Padilla seemed barely to notice, fiddling instead with dozens of icons that hung as amulets from his wrist. "I give thanks to God," he explained when I asked him about it. "I ask him that my piety helps me return safely. When you know you've done everything you can to prepare, there's nothing more you can do. Everything else is in the hands of God."
When we were finally deposited on to the street outside the arena's main entrance, the pressure of the crowd was so great that it physically lifted us up and pushed us forward while the local Spanish police, their batons out, desperately sought to maintain control. It was a heady experience – part exhilarating, part terrifying – but one which made clear the adoration matadors can still elicit and gave the lie to the claim that they are in utter decline. No wonder then that, even in these difficult economic times, the most celebrated continue to be able to charge as much as half a million euros for a corrida.
Spanish culture has long fascinated me with its exterior of sunshine and siestas masking a dark and violent soul. I will never forget, years ago, first seeing the canvas of José de Ribera's Apollo Flaying Marsyas. Cruelty had been illuminated as beauty. The effect was utterly Iberian and utterly absorbing to behold. It is why I had been looking forward to the bullfight – indeed had wanted to enjoy it. Yet the spectacle of our arrival at the stadium only reinforced how much of what followed was a disappointment: the limp fight, the angry crowd, the desperate matador.
At one stage, one of the bullfighters took four or so attempts to get his sword through the right spot in the bull's back to kill it. I found myself depressed, bored even. Almost the only emotion I could muster was the sense that this was an unfair contest, and that if the matador himself were gored, the interests of both justice and entertainment would be far better served. Instead, this tedious affair was neither culture nor art – and certainly could not be called sport.
Centre stage: The most celebrated matadors continue to be able to charge as much as half a million euros for a corridaCentre stage: The most celebrated matadors continue to be able to charge as much as half a million euros for a corrida
Then, however, it was Padilla's turn to fight. He entered the arena to a fanfare of trumpets and, the sun now rapidly fading, the sequins and reflective thread of his outfit glistened in the floodlights that lit the arena. A matador's uniform is known as the traje de luces – the suit of lights. Seeing him, I understood why. Padilla's pink costume shone bright against the yellow sand, focusing 12 and a half thousand eyes on him. A reverential hush momentarily descended till the stadium band struck up a paso doble. Suddenly, there was a new atmosphere: one of expectation.
I cannot claim to have understood all the subtleties of what I now saw, but what was clear to even my untrained eye was that in his first fight, Padilla exhibited a skill not witnessed in the other contests. For a start he ensured this bull fought. It charged at a pace that reduced it almost to a blur; then followed Padilla's cape as the matador stood ramrod-straight and used its moving lure to direct 85-stone of muscle and bone.
At one point he led the bull in a series of turns, the animal's horns always passing barely a foot from his frame. Again and again it thundered past him until – bewildered – it was left standing silently only a few feet in front of him, immobile with confusion. Padilla turned his back on its horns to stand, hand on hip and left foot forward, to salute the crowd. That was greeted by a barrage of "Olés" as, somewhere in the crowd nearby, someone started shouting: "The guy is crazy. The guy is crazy".
This, I said to Carlos, was finally a bullfight. He nodded agreement. "Every move, every gesture, has its own meaning," he said. "What you are seeing has been developed over centuries."
When the end came it was quick and clean. One moment Padilla was in front of the bull, poised on tiptoe. Then he sprang, the blade went in, and the animal fell in a moment. The arena became a sea of white handkerchiefs being waved in the traditional gesture of appreciation. The sound of the paso doble again rang around the stalls as Padilla conducted his lap of honour.
That night, in the back alleys and big avenues of Seville, a party was held. Rows of marquee tents were put up to house the revellers, and great crowds moved from one to the next, seeing friends and being invited inside to enjoy food and alcohol. For one night, at least, it seemed as if the country's woes were forgotten. The talk was of bullfights and matadors, and what had been good and bad in the arena.
This sport will outlive Anna Mula and other campaigners, I kept thinking, as the assembled masses spilled over the streets like blood from the bull's heaving flanks. The matador was once again centre stage, accepted and adored.
Twitter.com: @mrevgenylebedev
The definitive guide on the state of modern-day bullfighting can be found at Into The Arena: The World Of The Spanish Bullfightby Alexander Fiske-Harrison (Profile Books, 2011). Link:http://www.intothearena.co.uk

Borrowed from a post in The Independent

Monday, September 2, 2013

Hemingway's Labor Day

Hemingway's Hurricane

"Hemingway's Hurricane" tells an excellent story about the worst hurricane to ever hit the United States, 78 years ago today, September 2, 1935. It also discusses Hemingway's role in the political crisis that unfolded in the wake of the hurricane... which had a lot to do with the way we treated our  veterans of WWI and, really, class distinctions and "stomping on the little guy", a Labor Day Theme for sure.

However, in spite of using his name in the title, it is not really about Hemingway. While at first glance it may be easy to criticize, this is not the first case of using the Hemingway name to promote something not always completely Hemingway (and sometimes not at all).  They get the name because he wrote a very critical article about the hurricane that helped elevate this to a national political crisis for the Roosevelt Administration.

 I think the book is very good at describing the worst hurricane in US history, and one of the most shameful in terms of the government's role both before and after. EH too is sometimes criticized for his writing of the hurricane, which was blistering of the Roosevelt Administration. One Google Search Result turns up something that appears to be scholarly but upon further inspection is just a "scholarly poser" trying to cloak what is obviously a jaded, loaded, and wordy paper on the subject, so I did not repost it here.  

To see a much better and more thorough look at Hemingway's article and the hurricane from a historical perspective, the article posted below -- if you keep scrolling -- is perhaps the best one I have found so far.

Below is the introduction to the book about this interesting episode in Hemingway's life, and in US history, that happened 78 years ago today.

Introduction:

The all-but-forgotten story of an infamous tragedy that became the political scandal of its era. When the strongest hurricane of the 20th century slammed into the Florida Keys on Labor Day Weekend, 1935, it was as if its 200-mile-an-hour winds had conspired with politics, the Depression, and petty bureaucracy to turn disaster into tragedy. Among the 423 dead were 259 World War I veterans who had been sent by Roosevelt's New Deal to live in tent cities and build a highway across the keys.

Arriving from Key West in the aftermath to help rescue his fellow veterans, Ernest Hemingway was outraged to learn that they had been prevented from escaping the storm--first by government stinginess, then by the National Guard. His public censure of the government spurred an investigation that many called a whitewash. "Hemingway's Hurricane" tells an all-butforgotten tale of terror, heroism, incompetence, and compassion in the face of the overwhelming power of nature.(less)

Buy this book here to learn more: http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/828662.Hemingway_s_Hurricane

Synopses & Reviews

Publisher Comments:

Everyone knew it was coming: The Weather Bureau broadcast hurricane warnings. Keys residents boarded up their shacks under an ominous sky and sank their skiffs in the mangroves. Atlantic tarpon raced between the Keys to the relative safety of the Gulf of Mexico. In Key West, Ernest Hemingway secured his stone house and his 38-foot boat Pilar against the oncoming storm. And yet, through the long Labor Day Weekend of 1935, the superintendents of three government work camps in the Florida Keys, which housed more than 600 World War I veterans building a highway across the islands, did virtually nothing to evacuate the men in their charge.In Hemingway's Hurricane, author Phil Scott chronicles the days of calamity when the low-lying Upper Florida Keys were stripped bare and submerged by the most powerful hurricane ever to hit the United States. From eyewitness accounts and depositions, he reconstructs the events in each camp as the hurricane made landfall—the terror, bravery, and sacrifices of men left to fend for themselves. He also explores why the train promised from Miami arrived too late to evacuate the men, and why those who tried to escape in their own vehicles were turned back by the National Guard. And he reveals Hemingway's horror when the novelist arrived in his boat two days after the storm to aid the veterans, only to discover that more than 250 had died in the storm, some sand-blasted by fierce winds, others skewered by flying timbers, and many simply blown out to sea.
Ernest Hemingway's very public outrage over so many needless deaths spurred a congressional investigation that was widely dismissed as a whitewash. It was also a key factor in landing Hemingway on an FBI watch list, which contributed to his suicide twenty-six years later. In Hemingway's Hurricane, the Depression, bureaucratic failure, the cast-aside soldiers of an earlier war, a great novelist, and a killing storm come together in an American tragedy.

The Final Blow
They were the forgotten members of the Lost Generation, traumatized veterans of the Great War who had struggled for years to claw their way back into the American Dream. Described by one journalist as "shell-shocked, Depression-shocked, and whiskey-shocked," they grasped for one last chance at redemption under Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. Six hundred of them were shuffled off to the Florida Keys to build a highway to Key West. On Labor Day Weekend 1935, the most intense hurricane ever to strike the U.S. took aim on their flimsy shacks, and the two men responsible for evacuating the veterans from harm's way waited too long.
After the storm, Ernest Hemingway took his boat from his home in Key West to aid the veterans in the Upper Keys. But he found few survivors among the wreckage and bloated corpses, and his public cries of outrage bound him forever to the storm.
"Hemingway's Hurricane brilliantly and compellingly captures the events surrounding the 1935 storm, showing how human factors compounded the awful force of sky and sea."
—From the Foreword by John Rennie, Editor in Chief, Scientific American

Synopsis:

THE FINAL BLOW They were the forgotten members of the Lost Generation, traumatized veterans of the Great War who grasped for one last chance at redemption under Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. Six hundred of them were shuffled off to the Florida Keys to build a highway to Key West. On Labor Day weekend 1935, the most intense hurricane ever to strike the U.S. took aim on their flimsy shacks, and the two men responsible for evacuating the veterans from harms way waited too long.
After the storm, Ernest Hemingway took his boat from his home in Key West to aid the veterans in the Upper Keys but he found few survivors on the wreckage. His public cries of outrage bound him forever to the storm.quotes
“Brilliantly and compellingly captures the events surrounding the 1935 storm, showing how human factors compounded the awful force of sky and sea.”from the Foreword by John Rennie, Editor in Chief, Scientific American
Hemingways Hurricane describes a scenario tragically similar to the one surrounding Hurricane Katrina . . . little preparedness and no timely rescue for victims.”The Sacramento Bee
“Phil Scott does a favor with this book, reminding [us] that deadly storms aren't a new event.”Chicago Tribune
“A timely topic and a compelling read.”The Indianapolis Star

About the Author

Phil Scott's books include The Shoulders of GiantsThe Pioneers of Flight, and Deadly Things. A writer and journalist specializing in aviation and popular science, he has contributed to Air and Space/SmithsonianScientific AmericanNew Scientist, and other magazines. After coming upon a monument erected in the Florida Keys to honor the victims of the Labor Day hurricane of 1935, he knew this was a story he had to tell.

Reposted from History News Network

Melissah J. Pawlikowski

Ms. Pawlikowski is a graduate student in history at Duquesne University and an HNN intern.
On September 2, 1935 what became known as the Great Labor Day Hurricane ravaged the Florida Keys with winds of 160 miles per hour and gusts up to 200 miles per hour.
Soon after the clouds had cleared, leaving a crystal blue horizon, the dead were counted. Between 400 and 600 people perished. What made this storm all the more tragic was that among the dead were 265 World War I veterans. At the height of the Great Depression these veterans had been sent to build a road on the low lying islands of the Florida Keys as a part of the Public Works for Veterans programs. While working, they were housed in inadequate tent-like structures provided by the Roosevelt administration. When the National Weather Bureau issued warnings for a hurricane they were not evacuated.
Shortly after the natural disaster had occurred, writer Ernest Hemingway was contacted by the editors of New Masses to write an account of the storm from an insider's perspective. Hemingway's response was the article, "Who Murdered the Vets?: A First-Hand Report on the Florida Hurricane," published September 17, 1935, just weeks after the event. Although billed as a personal account, in reality it was an outraged demand for accountability for the needless death of the veterans.
A hostile tone was established within the first few lines. "Whom did they annoy and to whom was their possible presences a political danger?" Hemingway asked. "Who sent them down to the Florida Keys and left them there in hurricane months?"
Hemingway presented the veterans not merely as murdered but almost as though they had been assassinated for someone's personal political gain or simply that they were disposed of as an unnecessary burden to the public after courageously serving their country.
Hemingway continued by pointing out that the men in charge certainly knew the possible consequences of being in Florida during hurricane season, let alone in insufficient shelter.
The writer of this article lives a long way from Washington and would not know the answers to those questions. But he does know that wealthy people, yachtsmen, fishermen such as President Hoover and Presidents Roosevelt, do not come to the Florida Keys in hurricane months.... There is a known danger to property. But veterans, especially the bonus-marching variety of veterans, are not property. They are only human beings; unsuccessful human beings, and all they have to lose is their lives. They are doing coolie labor for a top wage of $45 a month and they have been put down on the Florida Keys where they can't make trouble. It is hurricane months, sure, but if anything comes up, you can always evacuate them, can't you?
By making these statements Hemingway was not only making an argument that the government was ineffectual; he was also stating that class distinctions had played a major role in the disaster. Not only had the government failed to save its veterans, officials had felt the veterans were disposable. Hemingway went on to illustrate the experience common to most Floridians preparing for a coming hurricane in a pre NOAA, pre Weather Channel era. His account reinforced to non-coastal readers the reality of hurricanes with which coastal residents were familiar.
Hemingway's anger at what happened was palpable on every page:
It is not necessary to go into the deaths of the civilians and their families since they were on the Keys of their own free will; They made their living there, had property and knew the hazards involved. But the veterans had been sent there; they had no opportunity to leave, nor any protection against hurricanes; and they never had a chance for their lives. Who sent nearly a thousand war veterans, many of them husky, hard-working and simply out of luck, but many of them close to the border of pathological cases, to live in frame shacks on the Florida Keys in hurricane months?
After making the argument that the veterans had no business being sent to build a road on a narrow low-lying island during hurricane season, Hemingway turned to the aftermath of the storm.
The railroad embankment was gone and the men who had cowered behind it and finally, when the water came, clung to the rails, were all gone with it. You could find them face down and face up in the mangroves. The biggest bunch of the dead were in the tangled, always green but now brown, mangroves behind the tanks cars and the water towers. They hung on there, in shelter, until the wind and the rising water carried them away.
Hemingway's ability to ask questions while simultaneously and subtly pointing fingers throughout the article stimulated public discussion. Though Hemingway later refused to admit that he had purposely written the article to instigate political change, his account helped stimulate vigorous debate. The article in particular drew attention to the issue of class, raising awareness of inequities between the upper and lower classes.
Hemingway ended "Who Murdered the Vets?" with the final questions, "Who left you there? And what's the punishment for manslaughter now?" The first question was officially answered privately behind the closed doors of politicians. The second went unanswered. No person was ever formally charged with the neglect of the veterans. But one result of the tragedy was that the public began to demand that in the future government leaders had to be careful not to be careless with other peoples' lives.
The original post of this article above is found here:http://hnn.us/articles/16158.html?page=2